Showing posts with label taliban. Show all posts
Showing posts with label taliban. Show all posts

Sunday, July 29, 2012

Look on! In Afghanistan, Buddha Collapsed

(Look On! takes occasional note of noteworthy productions)
'A man was sleeping under a tree. A walnut fell on his head. He got up and said: Lucky it wasn't a pumpkin or I'd be dead...'
So begins Buddha Collapsed Out of Shame (2007), a film shot in Bamian, Afghanistan, a town blown up by the Taliban in 2001.
(credit)
Critically acclaimed in film festivals around the world, the movie tells the story of a 6-year-old girl, Bakhtay, who desperately wants to go to school. In the 77 minutes of film we witness the obstacles she faces every day in her quest to learn: the need to buy a notebook and a pen, to find the school for girls and escape from a group of young boys playing at enforcing the laws of the Taliban.  
The film was directed by Hana Makhmalbaf (below), the daughter of Mohsen and Marziyeh and sister of Samira Makhmalbaf, a family of filmmakers from Iran. Hanna was 18 years old when the film was made, developing the story with her mother, the director of Stray Dogs (2004). 
Asked what she intended to show in the film she stated:
(credit)
'By showing today’s picture of Afghanistan, I tried to depict the effects of the recent years’ violence on the country. So that the adults could see how their behavior affects the younger generation. Children are the future adults. If they get used to violence, the future of the world will be in great danger. A teenage boy in the film says: “when I grow up I will kill you”. Because as a child he has been through lots of violence so it has become part of his usual life.'
A full interview and dialogue list are available here.
In the everyday images we see on the war in Afghanistan, it is easy to forget the human impact of the war. As IntLawGrrls have chronicled in the "...and counting..." series, news reports focus on the death of soldiers (usually US soldiers), and only occasionally on Afghan civilians. Buddha collapsed out of shame (originally released in Persian as Buda az sharm foru rikht) is a reminder that we could do so much more to help access to education for girls (and boys) around the world. It also calls attention to the effects of decades of war on young children, in areas which are forgotten by the press.
An original and thought-provoking movie, worth watching.

(Cross-posted at Human Rights Film Diary blog)

Friday, February 17, 2012

How Presidential war power is made, or why rhetoric matters to war powers

In a post over at the Lawfare blog, the Brookings Institution's Benjamin Wittes found my op-ed in yesterday’s New York Times, on Obama’s double-take on the nature of our current war era, to be “perplexing.” Let me say a few words that are unlikely to lead Wittes and me to agree on everything, but at least might help crystallize what the disagreement is about. I should also say that I tend to agree with one of the underlying ideas at Lawfare, as I understand their project, and that Harvard Law Professor Mark Tushnet has also made: “liberals” and “conservatives” are often talking past each other on questions of national security, and there is a need to reshift the conversation, and get beyond partisan and left/right divides.
The most essential point is methodological (and if you’re looking for the direct points about my op-ed/Wittes’ post, skip ahead a couple of paragraphs). As legal scholars we tend to focus especially on law, of course. Law and society scholars, including legal historians like me, study law by going beyond it – by studying law in a broader historical and cultural context. Law exists as part of and in relation to society and culture, so that we can’t fully see law without understanding the way it is produced and understood – socially, politically, culturally.
Like other legal problems, law related to war and security is a law-and-society subject. Many very smart war powers and national security law specialists have been drilling down on the complex legal issues related to the post-9/11 context, an effort that Lawfare contributes to. But as with all legal issues, there is also a law-and-society component. Although war powers and national security scholarship often draws upon historical examples, the scholarship does not tend to incorporate current important work by historians and others related to war and security. So, in my view, the law-and-society aspect of legal war and security studies is underdeveloped. Alongside of the current focus on national security law in American law schools, we need, essentially, law-and-society law & security.
How does that relate to my op-ed? My piece is about Obama’s political rhetoric related to war, and I argue that he is trying to have it both ways. As a political matter, he has focused on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. His campaign promise was to bring these wars to an end. Early in his administration he would say “we’re in two wars.” But in 2010 he shifted, and gave a speech that said the nation is “at war with Al Qaeda.”
This shift in political rhetoric enables the president to argue that he is filling his campaign promise of ending the wars that he was talking about when he got elected, but at the same time the new formulation maintains (politically) the basis for his war-related powers.
Now for the law-and-society point: presidential war powers are determined not only by legal authorities and constraints, to the extent they exist, and by capacities inherent in the executive branch.

Friday, January 20, 2012

Obama & foreign policy: Right-of-center Democrat?

As we enter a Presidential election year and as candidates on both sides of the political spectrum start to articulate their foreign policy positions, I have become increasingly perplexed with a paradoxical phenomenon.
Our current President, Barack Obama (right), inaugurated 3 years ago today, is a Democrat supposedly to the left of center. Yet he seems far right of center on many foreign policy issues – in fact, so far right that it will become virtually impossible for many Republican candidates to announce positions farther right.
This post will not debate the (in)correctness of any of these positions. Rather, it will explain some key foreign policy issues in light of international law, and discuss why I believe the Administration’s policy situates itself on the right.
► First, let’s start with Guantánamo.
The word itself sparks so much debate (as is evident from IntLawGrrls' series of posts here, as well as posts here and here) that it would be futile in this brief post to attempt to debate the pros and cons of indefinite detention of terrorist suspects. Rather, let me remind everybody of the Obama Administration’s stance on Gitmo. In his first day in office, as indicated in the above photo, President Obama signed an executive order promising to close the detention facility at Guantánamo Bay. Many civil and human rights advocates applauded this decision, and President Obama himself seemed intent on reneging on some of the Bush Administration policies which he had so adamantly campaigned against.
Fast forward to 2012.
Not only has the Guantánamo prison remained open, but the Obama Administration now firmly believes in indefinite detention of terrorist suspects – the very concept which President Obama had fought against until 2008. In fact, the President just signed into law the infamous National Defense Authorization Act, which authorizes the indefinite detention of terrorism suspects and also limits transfers of cleared detainees to other countries.
Excellent academic debate has already occurred on this subject (here, here, and here). Thus, I will only highlight a few key points about this law.
President Obama pledged, through this law, to detain suspects indefinitely at sites such as Guantánamo; through this law, the President has also limited our ability to reduce the number of detainees by transferring those whom we no longer believe to be a threat to third countries. Thus, not only is President Obama not closing Guantánamo, he is likely to increase the number of detainees we house there. I cannot imagine how Republican candidates such as Mitt Romney, Rick Santorum, or Newt Gingrich will be able to formulate more conservative policies that would still appeal to the American electorate.
What does international law have to say on Guantánamo-like detention policies?

Monday, December 19, 2011

On December 19

On this day in ...
... 2000, the U.N. Security Council,

Deploring the fact that the Taliban continues to provide safehaven to Usama bin Laden and to allow him and others associated with him to operate a network of terrorist training camps from Taliban-controlled territory and to use Afghanistan as a base from which to sponsor international terrorist operations,

and

Noting the indictment of Usama bin Laden and his associates by the United States of America for, inter alia, the 7 August 1998 bombings of the United States embassies in Nairobi, Kenya and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania and for conspiring to kill American nationals outside the United States, and noting also the request of the United States of America to the Taliban to surrender them for trial,

among other enumerated concerns about Afghanistan, enacted Resolution 1333 on the situation in Afghanistan. (photo credit) The resolution invoked the Council's coercive powers under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter, and demanded both that Afghanistan shut down terrorist training camps and "turn over Usama bin Laden to appropriate authorities." It did not, and 9/11 would occurr fewer than 9 months later.

(Prior December 19 posts are here, here, here, and here.)

Wednesday, December 7, 2011

Guest Bloggers: Saira Hussain, Peggy Li & Shayla Johnson

It's IntLawGrrls' great pleasure to welcome the three women in the photo at right: Saira Hussain (left), Peggy Li (center), and Shayla Johnson (right). Second-year law students, all three are interns in the International Human Rights Law Clinic at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law.
► Saira moved to the United States from her country of birth, Pakistan, when she was 3. She's lived in the San Francisco Bay Area ever since, and earned a B.A. in Public Health, with a Minor in Spanish, from California-Berkeley before entering law school.
► Peggy, a native of San Francisco, graduated from the University of California, Los Angeles, with a B.A. in Communication Studies.
► Shayla, who was born in Orlando, Florida, is a graduate of Howard University in Washington, D.C., where she majored in International Business and Emerging Nations.
All three contributed to Victims’ Right to Remedy: Awarding Meaningful Reparations at the ECCC (2011), a report jointly issued last month by Berkeley's International Human Rights Law Clinic, along with Access to Justice Asia, based in Singapore, and the San Francisco-based Center for Justice & Accountability.
Supervising Saira, Peggy, and Shayla was our colleague, Laurel E. Fletcher, Clinical Professor Law and Director of International Human Rights Law Clinic at Berkeley Law.
Released to coincide with the start of trial in Case 002, the Victims’ Remedy report recommended ways the ECCC, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, might adapt its procedures to grant redress in line with international practice. In their guest post below, Saira, Peggy, and Shayla discuss key features of the report.
The three dedicate their work to Safia Ahmed-jan (left), who was born into a poor family in Afghanistan in 1941. A onetime teacher and high school principal, she campaigned for women's rights after the Taliban regime was toppled. Ahmed-jan served as provincial director of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs in Kandahar province for five years, until September 25, 2006, when "suspected Taliban gunmen" rode a motorcycle past her house and shot her to death. (credit for undated Reuters photo by Ahmad Masood)
Today Ahmed-jan joins other IntLawGrrls foremothers in our list at right.
Heartfelt welcome!


Tuesday, September 27, 2011

On September 27

On this day in ...
... 1996 (15 years ago today), the capital of Afghanistan, Kabul, fell to Taliban forces. (photo credit) Fully "three days of fierce fighting" between the Taliban (variously described as an "opposition militia," a "radical Islamic group," and "militants") and Afghan government forces neared an end when the former succeeded in "storming the presidential palace -- the country's seat of government." Deposed officials were on the run, and Mohammed Najibullah, a Communist-supported ex-president, had been executed. The BBC reported:

One-eyed opposition leader Mullah Mohammed Omah and his student fighters had been repulsed from the city twice before, but this time it appeared government forces lost the will to fight.

The Taliban would remain in power until the U.S.-led post-9/11 counterassault in 2001 -- the beginning of an armed conflict that, as we've posted, continues to this day. The President deposed in the 1996 takeover,
Burhanuddin Rabbani, by 2011 head of Afghanistan's Peace Council, was assassinated a week ago, and this past Sunday a shooting at an annex to the U.S. embassy in Kabul resulted in the deaths of an assailant and a CIA employee.

(Prior September 27 posts are here, here, here, and here.)

Monday, April 6, 2009

Enemy Combatant: A Genealogy

As we’ve discussed, the term “enemy combatant”—whether lawful or unlawful—is not a term of art in international humanitarian law (IHL). Until it was recently retired by the Obama Administration, however, the term had been a key feature of the “War on Terror" lexicon. With the expert assistance of my ace research assistant, Rockford Hearn (right), I have been constructing a genealogy of the term in light of its linguistic demise. Since its inception, the definition of "enemy combatant" has seen significant evolution with respect to its two constitutive parts:



  1. enemy &
  2. combatant.
1. Ex Parte Quirin

Although of modern relevance, the term traces its roots to the U.S. Supreme Court’s opinion in the infamous WWII German saboteurs case. Ex Parte Quirin, 317 U.S. 1 (1942). This case concerned eight individuals, one a citizen of the U.S., who exited German subs and came ashore in civilian clothes intent on engaging in acts of sabotage. (The case's namesake is at left). On their petition for a writ of habeas corpus, the Supreme Court identified a category of belligerent who was not entitled to prisoner of war (POW) treatment:




[t]he spy who secretly and without uniform passes the military lines of a belligerent in time of war, seeing to gather military information and communicate it to the enemy, or an enemy combatant who without uniform comes secretly through the lines for the purpose of waging war by destruction of life or property [would exemplify] belligerents who are generally deemed not to be entitled to the status of prisoner of war, but to be offenders against the law of war subject to trial and punishment by military tribunals (p. 31).
After the FBI caught the saboteurs, the president issued a proclamation stating:



All persons who are subjects, citizens or residents of any nation at war with the United States or who give obedience to or act under the direction of any such nation, and who during time of war enter or attempt to enter the United States through coastal or boundary defenses, and are charged with committing or attempting or preparing to commit sabotage, espionage, hostile or warlike acts, or violations of the law of war, shall be subject to the law of war and to the jurisdiction of military tribunals (pp. 22-23).
The men were charged and transferred into military custody for prosecution before a military commission. In denying their petition for a writ of habeas corpus, the Supreme Court distinguished between lawful and unlawful combatants, noting that while lawful combatants are to be classified as POWs, and are subject to capture and detention, unlawful combatants are additionally “subject to trial and punishment by military tribunals for acts which render their belligerency unlawful” (p. 31). The Court used several monikers in referring to the petitioners (including “unlawful combatants,” “enemy belligerents,” and “enemy combatants”), implying that it was not employing these terms in any technical sense. Indeed, the Court cautioned that



[w]e have no occasion now to define with meticulous care the ultimate boundaries of the jurisdiction of military tribunals to try persons according to the law of war (pp. 45-46).

The petitioners were executed after the decision was announced but before the Court released its opinion.

2. 2001 Military Order

Fast forward to the immediate aftermath of the attacks of September 11th and President Bush’s Military Order of November 13, 2001. This Order authorized the detention of any non-citizen whom the President determined there was reason to believe:




  1. is or was a member of the organization known as al Qaeda;
  2. has engaged in, aided or abetted, or conspired to commit, acts of international terrorism, or acts in preparation therefore, that have caused, threaten to cause, or have as their aim to cause, injury to or adverse effects on the United States, its citizens, national security, foreign policy, or economy; or
  3. has knowingly harbored one or more individuals described [elsewhere in] this order.

This definition focuses on three categories of person:

  • members of al Qaida,
  • those who committed acts of international terrorism aimed at, or adversely effecting, the United States (including by aiding, abetting, conspiring, or preparing), and
  • those who harbored individuals so engaged.

This definition is notable in that it does not presume the existence of any armed conflict or act of belligerency; rather, it is premised on the commission of acts of international terrorism or al Qaida (as opposed to Taliban) membership. The definition reveals two alternative criteria: membership and participation in acts of terrorism (including harboring).

3. Hamdi v. Rumsfeld

In Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. 507 (2004), the Court again had occasion to consider this concept. In a June 28, 2004 decision, a plurality of the Court adopted for the purpose of the case the definition suggested by the Bush Administration:



An enemy combatant is an individual who was
1. Part of or supporting forces hostile to the U.S. or coalition partners in Afghanistan and

2. Who engaged in an armed conflict against the U.S. there (p. 516).




Recognizing, however, that the proper scope of the term “enemy combatant” was unsettled, the Court left the task of delineating its “permissible bounds” to the lower courts (p. 522).

The working definition in Hamdi first introduced the idea that individuals who were not part of a fighting force or organization may be considered enemy combatants if they nonetheless “supported” the group. It also suggested that the individual must “engage[] in armed conflict” against the United States in Afghanistan. This would imply that someone who was a part of the Taliban but left that group prior to the United States invasion in October 2001 would not qualify as an enemy combatant, because that person was never opposed to the U.S. or its coalition partners. This definition also is in the conjunctive: both membership and participation (this time in armed conflict rather than terrorism) are required.

4. Combatant Status Review Tribunal Definition

A mere two weeks later, the U.S. Navy promulgated a new enemy combatant definition in a July 7, 2004 memorandum to then Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz (Memorandum from Deputy Sec’y of Defense Paul Wolfowitz to the Sec’y of the Navy, Order Establishing Combatant Status Review Tribunal (July 7, 2004)). The Memorandum provided that the term "enemy combatant" would henceforth mean:

1. an individual who was part of or supporting Taliban or al Qaida forces, or associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the U.S. or its coalition partners.
2. This includes any person who has committed a belligerent act or has directly supported hostilities in aid of enemy armed forces.

This definition was subsequently incorporated into the rules utilized by the Combatant Status Review Tribunals (CSRTs) to determine whether individuals on Guantánamo were properly designated and detainable. The Navy/CSRT definition introduced the idea of “associated forces” beyond the Taliban or al Qaida. It also maintained the support element. The definition hinges more directly on mere membership and implies that even individuals who have not committed a belligerent act or directly supported hostilities would qualify for detention.

5. Military Commission Act (defining "Lawful" and "Unlawful" Enemy Combatants)

The Military Commission Act of 2006 (promulgated October 17, 2006) adapted this definition somewhat to identify a category of unlawful enemy combatants who would fall within military commission jurisdiction. By contrast, the Act provided that individuals who were deemed to be lawful enemy combatants could not be tried by military commission.

1. UNLAWFUL ENEMY COMBATANT
A. The term ‘unlawful enemy combatant’ means:
(i) a person who has engaged in hostilities or who has purposefully and materially supported hostilities against the United States or its co-belligerents who is not a lawful enemy combatant (including a person who is part of the Taliban, al Qaeda, or associated forces); or
(ii) a person who, before, on, or after the date of the enactment of the Military Commissions Act of 2006, has been determined to be an unlawful enemy combatant by a Combatant Status Review Tribunal or another competent tribunal established under the authority of the President or the Secretary of Defense. ...

2. LAWFUL ENEMY COMBATANT
A. The term ‘lawful enemy combatant’ means a person who is
(i) a member of the regular forces of a State party engaged in hostilities against the United States;
(ii) a member of a militia, volunteer corps, or organized resistance movement belonging to a State party engaged in such hostilities, which are under responsible command, wear a fixed distinctive sign recognizable at a distance, carry their arms
openly, and abide by the law of war; or
(iii) a member of a regular armed force who professes allegiance to a government engaged in such hostilities, but not recognized by the United States (§ 948a).

A lawful enemy combatant is defined by way of membership criteria in accordance with the provisions set forth for prisoner-of-war classification scheme in Article 4 of the Third Geneva Convention. An unlawful enemy combatant, by contrast, is defined in terms of conduct—the participation in hostilities or the support of hostilities against the U.S.

In Boumediene v. Bush, 128 S.Ct. 2229 (decided June 12, 2008), the Court declined to address “[t]he extent of the showing required of the Government in these cases” (p. 2271). It noted: “[i]t bears repeating that our opinion does not address the content of the law that governs petitioners' detention. That is a matter yet to be determined” (p. 2277).

6. Al Marri v. Pucciarelli

The 4th Circuit in Al Marri v. Pucciarelli, 534 F. 3d 213 (decided July 15, 2008) also took a stab at defining the concept. Al Marri (petitioner at right), however, produced a fractured opinion that did little to clarify the definition. Judge Motz (left) joined by three colleagues relied on Hamdi and law of armed conflict principles to focus on the affiliation factor:

Enemy combatant status rests on an individual’s affiliation during wartime with the ‘military arm of the enemy government’ (p. 230).


According to this definition, al-Marri did not qualify as an enemy combatant because he did not affiliate ‘”with the armed forces of an enemy nation” (p. 230). Motz concluded that an individual may not be classified as an enemy combatant merely for engaging in criminal conduct.

By contrast, Judge Wilkinson (right), concurring in part and dissenting in part, adopted a different definition and reasoned that an enemy combatant is:




  1. A member of
  2. An organization or nation against whom Congress has declared war or authorized the use of military force, who
  3. Knowingly plans or engages in conduct that harms or aims to harm persons or property for the purpose of furthering the military goals of an enemy nation or organization (p. 322).
In support of this definition, Wilkinson argued that the conception of “enemy” is no longer based on an individual’s nationality, because stateless actors (e.g., terrorist organizations) now pose the most compelling military threat to the U.S. In his estimation, membership in such an organization is functionally equivalent to traditional criteria of enemy status—an individual’s residency in, or citizenship of, an enemy nation. Indicia of membership may include:




  • self-identification with the organization through verbal or written statements;
  • participation in the group's hierarchy or command structure; or
  • knowingly taking overt steps to aid or participate in the organization's activities.
In Wilkinson's view, these indicia distinguish those who are the enemy from those who merely sympathize with the enemy (p. 323).

The third criterion addresses who constitutes a “combatant,” distinguishing those with military aims from those who do not present a threat to opposing forces. Those who use military-like force against American soldiers or civilians obviously qualify as combatants under this formulation. Similarly, members of an “enemy sleeper terrorist cell” who have taken steps, even if preliminary in nature, toward a destructive act may also be considered combatants. Conversely, members of the enemy organization who do not intend hostile acts (such as an al Qaida physician) are non-combatants and are not subject to military jurisdiction. (More material on al-Marri is available here, the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU Law School.)

7. District Courts

Many district courts hearing habeas petitions in the wake of the Supreme Court’s decision in Boumediene adopted the Wolfowitz definition. On remand in that case, Boumediene v. Bush, 583 F.Supp.2d 133, 135 (D.D.C. Oct. 27, 2008), Judge Leon adopted the CSRT definition. Other courts called for additional briefing on this question. For a discussion of these cases, see here.

Eventually, as IntLawGrrls founder Diane Marie Amann has posted, the Obama administration abandoned the term "enemy combatant," but not the idea that certain individuals may be detained absent proof of the commission of any prosecutable crime. The new operative standard for detention contains a minor change to the standard employed in the CSRTs by raising the threshold of support to “substantial.”




The President has the authority to detain persons that the President determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, and persons who harbored those responsible for those attacks.


The President also has the authority to detain persons who were part of, or substantially supported, Taliban or al-Qaida forces or associated forces that
are engaged in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners, including any person who has committed a belligerent act, or has directly supported hostilities, in aid of such enemy armed forces.

The brief made clear that this standard will be subject to further refinement:

the contours of the ‘substantial support’ and ‘associated forces’ bases of detention will need to be further developed in their application to concrete facts in individual cases.

Using basic principles of statutory interpretation, the definition at present seems to encompass several distinct categories of individual who did certain things, were members of certain groups, or substantially supported these groups. These are:



  1. persons who were involved in (along a spectrum of planning, authorizing, committing, or aiding) the attacks of 9/11;
  2. persons who harbored individuals “responsible” for the 9/11 attacks;
  3. persons who were part of Taliban or al Qaida forces;
  4. persons who were part of associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the U.S. or its coalition partners;
  5. persons who substantially supported Taliban or al Qaida forces;
  6. persons who substantially supported associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the U.S. or its coalition partners;
  7. persons who committed a belligerent act in aid of “such enemy forces” (presumably the Taliban, al Qaida or “associated forces”);
  8. persons who “directly supported” hostilities in aid of “such enemy forces” (presumably the Taliban, al Qaida or “associated forces”).
It is not entirely clear to what extent the addition of the “substantial” modifier might have generated different outcomes in the habeas cases already decided had the new Obama standard been operative. Certainly cases premised on guest house stays or the provision of non-combat support (such as cooking) might have come out differently. It remains to be seen to what extent the courts are willing to accept this new standard or even whether the Obama administration will continue to advance it in the face of significant criticism that it does not go far enough toward bringing the U.S. detention practice into line with international law.